Polish-Jewish Relations: 1,300 Keyword-Phrase-Indexed Book Reviews (by Jan Peczkis)

Polska Czy Polin? Sekrety relacji polsko-zydowskich, by Krzysztof Balinski. 2020. Capital Book, Warszawa

Who Runs Poland? A Critique of the Judeocomplaint Attitude, of the PiS Government, Towards Influential Jews

POLAND OR POLIN? SECRETS OF POLISH-JEWISH RELATIONS is the title of this hard-hitting Polish-language book. Author Krzysztof Balinski is a political scientist and an experienced diplomat. The term POLIN refers to the Hebrew word for Poland.

JEWS IN 1968

The author puts this all in perspective. In 1968, “Jews are not wanted”. Yes, but also “shipbuilders are not wanted”, yet no one suggests that they were “expelled” or “cleansed”. (p. 34). As a matter of fact, no one was expelled from Poland for simply being a Jew. In fact, more Jews left Poland in earlier years than did in 1968-1971, but nobody calls that antisemitism. (p. 35). Finally, those Jews that got one-way train tickets were in no sense comparable to the Poles who had their entire property confiscated by the Soviets and were deported to Siberia, or to those Poles (of Zamosc area) that had their properties burned by the Germans before the Poles were expelled.

POLIN? TAKE POLAND BACK FROM THE JEWS!

Here are some snippets of information from Krzysztof Balinski. They raise the pointy question of who actually governs Poland.

On January 17, 2014, two Israeli planes arrived at Auschwitz with over 350 guests, including members of the Knesset, the leader of an Israeli bank, military leaders, rabbis, and Israeli security personnel. It was an unprecedented event: The first Knesset session beyond the borders of Israel. It was quite an extravaganza. Guess who paid for it? The Polish Ministry of Culture did. (p. 180).

The POLIN Museum is supported by the Polish taxpayer, and 95% of its visitors are Poles. So why does it hire only Jewish workers? (p. 93).

Former Jewish IPN Director Leon Kieres declared that he knew the secret of Jedwabne, but would take it with him to the grave. (p. 144). How nice.

The Polish Academy of Sciences financed a conference in Paris that featured Jan T. Gross and his Polonophobic lies. Why? (p. 93). The so-called Freedom House, funded by George Soros, declared the criticism of Jan T. Gross a “violation of human rights.” (p. 160). How convenient.

No sooner had Olga Tokarczuk been given the Nobel Prize then Minister Piotr Glinski came up with 700 thousand zloty in order to translate Tokarczuk’s anti-Polish message into all the languages in the world. (p. 165). Spread the Polonophobic message!

At Auschwitz, Jews freely display the Star. But no Polish flags are allowed, and the singing of Polish hymns is forbidden. (p. 171). The Museum of Auschwitz-Birkenau increasingly marginalizes the Polish victims, even treating them as some kind of interlopers. (p. 171).

When it comes to museums, Balinski concludes that (translating): “The fact that the Polin Museum, the Museum of the Warsaw Ghetto, and the Museum of the Hasidic Jews have come to exist before the Museum of the History of Poland, is a clear signal to Poles that it is not their history that is the most important.” (p. 171). That’s for sure!

This Judeocentrism is not limited to museums. In December 2018, Minister Glinski suddenly allocated 100 million zloty for the renovation of the Jewish cemetery in Warsaw. (p. 167). To keep things in perspective, the 2018 funding for conservation work at the Lyczakow Cemetery in Lwow was a pittance–930 thousand zloty. (p. 167).

Jews are now allowed to dictate to Poles the internal matters of the Church. They will tell us whether or not Cardinal August Hlond can be beatified. (p. 184).

Why wasn’t the Award given to Jan T. Gross revoked? (p. 14). Why wasn’t the body of Jewish Communist murderer Jakub Berman removed from Powazki cemetery? (p. 14). Why does the Polish government have time for endless Sabbath dinners with leading Jews, but has no time to meet with the Kresowiaks (members of the Kresy–Poland’s former eastern territories)? (p. 28).

In genuine dialogue, there are two sides. So-called Polish-Jewish dialogue is anything but. It is more like Jewish-Jewish dialogue. (pp. 88-89).

Then there is the GAZETA WYBORCZA. It is a Jewish newspaper for Poles. (p. 89).

ANTISEMITISM (WHAT ELSE?)

The Polish government not only does not fight against anti-Polish hate, but fights against alleged antisemitism. (p. 28).

Balinski tells what the Polish government should do. (p. 153). It should not “jump” whenever it is accused of antisemitism, because the same accusation will be raised at another time no matter what it does. In fact, Balinski calls it a Pavlonian response: Jews raise the accusation and Poles get desperate to please the Jews. (p. 26). So the Jews do it over and over again until they get what they want. The author makes a joke of it: Moshe, castigated by his rabbi for selling anti-Semitic brochures, replied, “How can they be anti-Semitic if each one brings me twenty cents?” (p. 66).

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HOLOCAUST INDUSTRY ISSUES

Polish government attitudes towards so-called Holocaust restitution, of heirless properties, are a burying of the head in the sand. (p. 152). They also rest on the premise that there is no legal basis to make Poland pay anything. This is naïve. The Jewish demands are not based on law: They are based on extralegal manipulations, especially political pressure. (p. 153).

There is the usual pack of lies (as by Yehuda Evron) that accuse Poland of wanting to hang on to the properties of Jews it murdered. (p. 155). Then we hear the usual song and dance about Poland “failing democratically” and for not adhering to its “duties” to the Jews.

Holocaust restitution is anything but transparent. With reference to the 1997 law, Poles are kept in the dark about how much property has already been restituted. (p. 107). Besides this, there is no way of knowing if forests have been made part of the restitution picture, or even if the Wawel has already been sold to the Jews. (p. 145).

In 2015, the Sejm (Polish parliament) agreed to pay 50,000 Israeli citizens their monthly rent. This unilateral favor only led to more Jewish demands on Poles. (p. 152).

There is the facile proliferation of Polish passports for Jews. Balinski points out that it is easier for a Jew to get a Polish passport than it is for a Pole to get a driver’s license! The easy passports create a huge reservoir of Jews that are “connected with Poland”–all in a better position to make property restitution claims against Poland. (p. 160).

HOW TO FIGHT THE HOLOCAUST INDUSTRY: SOME ADVICE

The Polish government should discontinue all negotiations on “property restitution” with the Jews, because engaging in such negotiations is a tacit admission that such claims have some legitimacy. Poles should demand from the government a hard, public declaration that it will never pay a penny of Holocaust restitution, as such claims are robbery in broad daylight and an act of aggression against Poland. Poles should declare that they would never vote for a politician who agreed to “restitution”, and would instead vote for one who would call a National Tribunal that would judge such payees for what they are–traitors.

The Polish government should finally renew the Jedwabne exhumation, as the Jedwabne lie is one of the pillars of the Holocaust Industry. It should emphasize Poland acquiring reparations from Germany, especially since it was high-level Jewish Communists Minc and Berman, in the Soviet-imposed puppet government, that had waived German reparations to Poland so that Germany could instead pay reparations to the Jews. (p. 154).

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For another book by Balinski that confronts the Holocaust Industry, see:

https://www.jewsandpolesdatabase.org/2023/02/08/stop-holocaust-industry-poland-targeted-but-jews-wont-restitute-palestinians-nakba-naqba-wjro-balinski/