Polish-Jewish Relations: 1,300 Keyword-Phrase-Indexed Book Reviews (by Jan Peczkis)

Between Life & Death: History of Jewish Life in Wartime Poland, 1939-1945, by Ben A. Soifer. 1995

Zbaszyn 1938. Cardinal Hlond (1936) Right on Jews and Atheism. Just Like Poles: Post-Jewish Property Acquisition–By Jews Themselves! 

We learn that Jews also grabbed items, not only Poles. This book is not an easy read, and the person who is unfamiliar with the Holocaust may find difficulty in following some of the discussions in the book. Most of it centers on the experiences of Polish Jews in German-occupied southwest Poland, notably in the Nazi camp at Pustkow.

JEWS ALSO ACQUIRED POST-JEWISH PROPERTIES AND WERE OFTEN RELUCTANT TO RETURN THEM TO THE ORIGINAL OWNERS!

Considering all the one-sided attention that has been given to Jan T. Gross on Polish acquisitions of post-Jewish properties (as per the Holocaust Industry), and of Polish reluctance to return them when the survivor showed up, it is interesting to note that uncannily the SAME considerations applied to Jews acquiring post-Jewish properties during the war!

Soipher comments, “It is an established social order that the living inherit from the dead. What is wrong, some argued, in taking over the abandoned property of an evacuee? The conscious individual was the one who was first on the scene, acting on the assumption that ‘someone will do it if I don’t’. Of course, there was always the possibility that there remained in the ghetto a close or distant relative, under almost any law the rightful heir of the evacuee. The conscious would meet this objection with the assurance that, should an heir of the former appear, the goods would be returned (something which HARDLY EVER HAPPENED), while easing his conscience with the knowledge that he had saved the goods from falling into the hands of the Germans…” (p. 45; Emphasis added).

And, if Jews can grab post-Jewish properties, that don’t “validly” belong to them, so that they don’t fall into the hands of the Germans, why can’t Poles? Evidently, here is yet another dual morality in force.

VERY FEW POLES ACTUALLY BETRAYED JEWS TO THE GERMANS

Author Ben A. Soifer, unlike Jan T. Gross and his fans, recognizes Polish denouncers for who they were–uncommon and decidedly marginal characters of Polish society despite their disproportionate impact: “While these human-hyenas form a tiny proportion of the Polish population and are condemned by most Poles for their actions, they are sufficiently numerous to be the scourge of, and a serious deterrent to potential Jewish runaways.” (p. 255).

POLISH-SPEAKING GERMANS: HOW GERMANS KEEP TABS ON POLISH VILLAGES

The Germans commonly appointed Volksdeutsche as village heads [SOLTYS]. This made it easy for the Germans to monitor even remote Polish hamlets, and greatly hindered the secrecy of Polish villagers aiding fugitive Jews. (pp. 263-264). [Clearly, it is wrong to blame Poles for not saving more Jews, or for “willingly” participating in the JUDENJAGD.]

HOW GERMANS PLAYED ON POLISH PRIVATIONS, AND COMMON WEAKNESSES, TO INDUCE THE BETRAYAL OF FUGITIVE JEWS

German rewards to Poles for denouncing Jews were often much more substantial than commonly believed. Sometimes it was only 10 kilos of sugar and 5 litres of vodka. However, near Krakow, it was 100 kilos of grain and half the possessions of the denounced Jew. In Lwow, the denouncer got the entire property of the Jews, along with 8,000 zlote, 10-20 litres of vodka, and 1,000 cigarettes. (p. 256).

Soipher does not explain these disparities. Is it because, in some locations, the Germans could not find Polish denouncers, and so were forced to up the ante to ever-more extravagant rewards?

Note also the perfidy of the German methods–the appeal of rare essentials (sugar) and the taking advantage of vices (alcohol and the highly-addictive tobacco).

PARADOXICALLY, NAZIS CARED FOR JEWS AS WELL AS KILLED THEM

Let us now focus on the unfolding Holocaust. Here is a little-known fact: “Perhaps the most whimsical oddity of the GG [General Government] is the case of social care for Jews. During the long years of social dispossession and deprivation, even during the period of mass slaughter and afterwards, the Germans provided, indirectly, funds for the social welfare of Jews…” (p. 242).

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BENTSCHEN/ZBASZYN 1938: POLAND DID NOT CHAFE AT ACCEPTING POLISH JEWS: POLAND CHAFED AT ACCEPTING NEAR-GERMAN JEWS

Nowadays, in Polonophobic Holocaust lore, Poland is painted as heartless for being reluctant to accept the Jews that were being dumped on her by the pre-WWII Third Reich. The facts are otherwise.

Soifer, the author, also touches on the pre-WWII experiences of Polish Jews. Consider the infamous no-mans-land accumulation of Jews near Zbaszyn (October 28, 1938). Most of these Jewish expellees from Nazi Germany were only “Polish” in a nominal sense, as pointed out by Soifer: “It seems fairly safe to assume that these Zbaszyn expellees were mostly first-generation German, born from at least a Polish-Jewish father, some from German Christian mothers…” (p. 228). For more on this, see:

https://www.jewsandpolesdatabase.org/2019/11/04/zbaszyn-1938-jewish-expellees-facts-bryant/

THE ATHEIZATION OF POLAND’S JEWS

Now consider Cardinal August Hlond’s much-quoted and much-condemned 1936 “Jews are freethinkers” statement. Soifer tacitly acknowledges its validity: “That the Jews of Poland were losing their piety (both real and assumed) at an almost unprecedented pace in this war was undeniable. But this is an old historical process which, at least in Poland, dates from the second half of the nineteenth century…the spread of secular education combined with a pervading spirit of modernism and liberalism, and the rise of Jewish nationalist-political parties…disruption of family life and loosening of morals. In independent Poland…the abandonment of orthodoxy, if not religion, at a then perplexing speed, halving its strength between 1919 and 1939.” (p. 233).